e-sRC

CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the Study
Conflicts since time immemorial have been a common phenomenon in many regions of the
world especially in places of structural inequity and unequal distribution of resources and
power. It is a situation with at least two identifiable groups in conscious opposition to each
other as they pursue incompatible goals. The communal conflict toll on socio-economic
development across the globe has become a serious concern to researchers because of its farreaching proportions. Either the developed or backward states have had their own dose of
conflict blazes. Black and White conflict in United State of America (USA), Anti-Chinese
riots in Indonesia, and Shi’it-Sunni skirmishes in Pakistan are some of the examples of
conflict, xenophobic conflict in South Africa against the national (particularly Africans) of
other countries.
However, the un-ending harvests of communal conflict is not dressed in the gab of Nigerian
Flag of green white green rather it resonates beyond its shores and across the continent of
Africa. The Tutsis-Hutus Rwandans‟ genocide, the protracted North –South Sudan confusion,
apartheid reign in South-Africa where South Africa lost 14,000 people due to racial and
communal violence which was part of the transition to majority rule between 1990 and 1994,
the continuous butchery in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DCR), the Al-Shabab
insurgency in Somalia, the Liberian upheaval are proofs of conflict in Africa.
Many contemporary Nigeria communities have experienced several cases of communal
conflicts. Some of the notable examples include; the Zango-Kataf conflict in Kaduna State
(1999-2001); Tiv-Jukun Wukari conflict in Taraba State (1999-2001); Itsekiri-Urhobo Warri
crisis, (1999-2000). Aguleri-Umuleri Conflict in Anambra State; Ife- Modakeke crisis,
Yelwa-Shendam conflict (2003- 005), Mangu-Bokoss crisis (1988-1999). It is as a result of
these that Segun (2013), argues that; …of all these conflicts, communal conflict has
manifested itself as the most serious issue next to ethno-religious conflict in the democratic
era in Nigeria.The violent trend of communal conflict is replete with routine disruption of
primary and reproductive healthcare or inaccessibility of healthcare in the heat of conflict
situations, low production in companies, reduced sporting and tourist‟s activities etc.
(Ohikere, 2012).
Economically, communal conflicts outbreak has been burdensome. In terms of national
economic loss, the roll is quite revealing of the depth of loss involved in communal clashes
nationwide. In fact, a total of N150 billion oil revenue has been deferred and property worth
billions of naira destroyed in the carnage arising from communal conflicts
nationwide(UNFPA, 2001). For example, it is estimatedthat assets worth N59, 672,000 were
lost to the Jos crisis in 2001, while government compensation to victims was about N13,
938,000; assets lost to the Kaduna crisis of 2001 ran to about N50,625,000 with government
compensation being N32,716,000. The Kano crisis of 2001 resulted in the loss of assets
worth N59, 756,000, with compensation totaling about N22, 658,000 (Yahaya, 2005).
However, the deep-seated acrimony between Emani and Ohunwa clan dates back to 1964 in
Ihima land escalated into a dangerous climax in 2004. The re-organization in the State
Traditional Council under Governor Alhaji Ibrahim Idris was supposed to practically correct
the pervasive imbalance in the traditional institution. The Phillips Salawu led committee
introduced new stools that are alien to Ebira history, the Ohi stool in all the four Local
Governmentareas and quickly the Adanihima (the father of all Ihima people) was equally
imposed on Ihima people in Okehi Local Government Area and skewed it to soothe the
Emani clan bringing the numbers of first class chiefs to six in Kogi Central Senatorial
District.As it were the creation of a new traditional stool- the Adanihima of Ihima as First
Class Chief to be rated amongst the six clans of Ihima ended up pitching the Emani clan, one
of the dominant clans who were historically a cruel antagonist of Ohunwa enthusiastically
embraced the new Adanihima stool. The Obobanyi of Ihima who is of Ohunwa clan descent
and very popular felt scorned by the elevation of the Obabayin of Emani clan and regarded
the creation of a nascent Adanihima stool for the Emanis and secretly catapulted it to first
class as another indirect political strategy by their son, Chief Phillips Salawu who was the
incumbent Deputy Governor to reduce them to second class people in Ihima land.
The assemblage of the fourOhis therefore, strutted as equals to the paramount ruler in status.
Hence, their repeated open disregard for Ohinoyi‟s presence by refusing to stand up in his
honour in any given traditional ceremonial. Ohikere, (2012), Onukaba (2009), corroborated
that the mutual suspicion and superiority tango between the Ohinoyi and Ohis on one hand
and the not-too-cordial relationship between the Ohinoyi and Chief Philips Salawu on the
other hand partly accounted for the lukewarm attitude by the Ohinoyi of Ebiraland when the
Ohunwa-Emani chaos was so raging in Ihima land.
Therefore, the Ihima, frequent crises in the area have led to senseless killing and unleashing
of havoc. At the pick of the killing Uncles were taking the lives of their grandchildren born to
opposing clans, ancestral homes spanning 250 years were openly set on fire, step sisters and
brothers of different clan by default were sending themselves to early graves.
The conflict has disrupted commercial activities for example, from areas of Oboroke through
Ikuehi to Ohueta and Obeiba in Ihima that used to be full of economic activities is now a
shadow of its old self as the cold hand of communal conflict snatched its commercial glories
and throw the town into a ghost land stripping it off of all its trappings of a once booming and
bustlingtown (Ngwaha, 2008). This is in tandem with the assertion of Onukaba when he
stated that;…Ihima with booming business opportunities ranging from petrol station operators
to hospitality businesses; sales of Locally woven cloth and myriads of interdependent economic activities in Okehi Local Government in Ebiraland with their
famous ceramics-pot making creativity is now a shadow of its past as communal
conflict snatched its commercial glories and turned the town into a ghost land
stripping it off of all its symbols of a once booming town (p. 18).
Diversions by motorists and travelers have been perfected throughObvehira-Agevba road as
alternative route to the South Western axis thereby making the once busy Ihima road
abandoned. Ihima was practically brought to its knees, economically. Till this time of
research, Ihima community that was hitherto an oasis of the famous clay pot-making industry
and a charming environment to fun seekers and tourists especially during their yearly Eche
Oritraditional festival before it elapsed into a war zoneand reduced to rubbles by inter-clan
conflict with burnt residential homes and vehicles still remains in that state twelve years after
the bloody massacre.It is against this background that the study assessed the communal
conflict and socio-economic development of Ihima community in Okehi Local Government,
Kogi State.
1.2 Statement of the Problem
Sounding unbelievably is the threat pose by conflict and crime, which undermines socioeconomic development as large scale communal conflicts can undo development gains
achieved in industrial activities, can reduce tourist activities and sporting. Conflict therefore,
is a public health problem, a human right problem, and a problem for the state and the
international community, because it impedes human freedom to live safety in other words,
conflict and crime is believed to be an attack on the very value of peace and freedom which
perpetrators do not share. (UN 2006). That is why the view of Kennedy (n.d.) seemed cogent
as he asserted thus: “Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay
any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend – oppose any foe to assure
the survival of peace and success of liberty”.
The predominant occupation among the Ihima women folk is Clay Pot-making located in a
vast area called Okume-ehi which was a thriving enterprise providing means of livelihood. In
2000, crisis arose between the Emani and Ohunwa when both clans laid claim to the Okumeehi, where clay pot is produced resulting in the death of 29 people and 20 houses razed. In
2003 another violent conflict broke out between the two warring clans again as a result of the
loss of election of one of the Emanis to the Ohunwa son during councillorship contest and 27
lives were lost while 4 barbing saloon and 7 eatery houses were vandalized (Ihima Peace
Committee Report, 2004).
In 2004, there was the creation of two additional traditional stools for the Ihima people. The
Ohi and Adanihima on one hand and the elevation of Ogbeobanyi of Ihima from Ohunwa
clan to a first class chief. Before 2004, the Igalas in Kogi East has five first-class chiefs, the
Ibiras in Kogi Central has one, while the Okuns in Kogi West have four respectively. Given
the outcries from the two disadvantaged senatorial districts, the government of Kogi state in
the first quarter of 2004, inaugurated a committee headed by Chief Philip Salawu to correct
the imbalance in the traditional institutions hence, the creation of Ohis in all the four Local
Governments in Ebiraland.
Unfortunately, because of lack of adequate consultation and communication with
stakeholders (youths, religious leaders, clan heads etc.) the good intention of the government
to decentralize titleship and elevate second class chiefs to the next ladder was misunderstood
by a section of Ihimapeople. Within this period of introduction of alien stools, a night
masquerade called Kerenu in custody of Emani clan was to organize its yearly outing. The
masquerade had barely mounted the stage when Ohunwa youths began to pelt the crowd with
stones. The tension already raised by the creation of nascent stool was still at it high level
when the Emani youths were further provoked by Ohunwa youths through their attempt to
stop Kerenu masquerade. The resistance by Emani youths and the sympathizers actually
stoke the escalation of violent conflict that left death, destruction of properties on its trails.
No fewer than one-hundred and twenty-seven (127) lives were lost and property worth
hundreds of millions was either vandalized or out rightly razed (Ihima Peace Committee
Report, 2006).
Needless to say, the ugly hand of the conflict caused by competition for resources; ethnic
loyalty; drive for authority etc. has reduced social activities in the community; divorces
between Ohunwa and Emani became viral, interpersonal relationship between youths of the
warring clans declined,regular sporting activities diminished, the Ekwu-Echi and EcheAnefestivals that used to be a unifying factor was polarized along clannish lines and created
followers that wields dangerous weapons thereby making the hitherto peaceful and colourful
masquerade festival as one of the major social activities to be violent-prone.Economically,
the 2004 communal conflict has a huge toll on Ihima community. The hitherto busy Ihima –
Lagos road was disserted, over 300 lucked-up shops were razed, Ihima Central Hotel that
used to lodging house for the tourists was touched, patronage on clay-pot industries dropped
significantly for fear of attack and the agricultural activities diminished because of low
demands of agricultural outputs ranging from low population (Ihima Peace Committee
Report, 2006).
Efforts in calming and resolving the conflict like the deployment of anti-riot policemen and
military personnel, constituting Ihima Peace Committee (IPC) drawing its membership from
all the clans and the likes have been unproductive. It only succeeded in calming frayed nerve
and physical hostilities have practically ceased but fourteen years after the conflict, the
government has not made public the findings nor released the white paper of the inquiry.
Almost a decade and a half, public infrastructure that was caught in the cross-fire remains the
same. Several hospitality outfits either operate skeletal services or remain shut due to low
patronage. It is on the basis of the stated problems that the study asked the overall question
thus: How has Emani-Ohunwa conflict reduced socio-economic development in Ihima
community?
1.2 Research Questions
From the above research problem, the following research questions were pertinent:
i. How has communal conflict reduced patronage on clay-pot industries in Ihima
community?
ii. How has fear by tourists of communal conflict reducedtourist activities in Ihima
community?
iii. What social activities reduced as a result of Emani-Ohunwa conflict in Ihima
community?